Wednesday, February 15, 2012

On Videogames

Over the last several months, I've been playing videogames too often. They're fun as an occasional break from school, from work, but when it becomes the focal point of your life, you know it's a problem. I wouldn't call it an addiction, per se, but it might as well be. I've experienced addiction before, and I know the signs. I can't just say 'I'll only play for a few minutes' and then go through with it. More often than not, I end up playing for the majority of a day, then get angry with myself for wasting time.

I attend one of the most expensive universities in the country. My mother is paying for my tuition out of pocket, and neither she nor I can afford to waste that investment. If I put as much time and energy into my schoolwork as I did these strategy games, I'd be at the top of my class. I'd write essays that could become part of the American canon, and conduct ground-breaking research in cognitive science.

So for my readers out there, as much as for myself, I'm swearing off of video-games this semester. I'll uninstall my steam account, and wipe every game I've installed on my computer. And I'll hold myself accountable; If I slip up, I'll tell you. Because whether or not you respond, I will be ashamed.

I mean, hey; people die every year from too much gaming. Do I wanna end up like that? 

Wednesday, February 8, 2012

The debate goes on: Part 3

From: Cameron
 
I don't believe that Isolation is the idea, here. We are not living in the 19th century, when this was possible and actively practiced in the U.S. Hell, France even asked us to help them with their problems post-revolution, to which we said "nahhh, we're gonna stay neutral on this one." This coming after France was the country that ensured our victory against Great Britain. Isolationism is what lead to the attack on Pearl Harbor, which we paid Japan back for a hundred times over, but we ought to have been better prepared.

A new paradigm, however, exists in the 21st century. We aren't, and cannot be, the world police: there are too many conflicts around the world, from South America to Africa to the Middle East. If we DO attempt to intervene in every possible conflict, we will overexpand and meet the same downfall as every empire in history. Rome fell when it expanded too far north into Europe, and too far south into Africa. Byzantium and the Sassanian empires fell when, as they fought over the fertile crescent, Islamic armies came pouring out of Arabia.

Alexander's empire was far too big for anyone to handle. Even the individual kingdoms that emerged after his death crumbled relatively swiftly - including the Seleucid empire. We also have the example of the Hunnic empire, which lasted all of 20 years until Attila's death. We have the Mongolian empire, which lasted a mere 200 years.

The British Empire was the most successful of its kind, in part because it had centers of government in every region it controlled. However, even it fell.

America IS an empire, and it is a force for good. It spreads democracy whenever and wherever possible, and currently has the best performing government system in the world. However, it too has its weaknesses. Overspending on Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security, wherein spending on each of these agencies CANNOT be cut, is the main cause of our spending deficit. Cutting that, rather than national defense spending, would be a wiser course of action. As we all know, though, these programs are the third rail of politics. Since Ron Paul is the only candidate that seems absolutely committed to cutting our budget, it makes sense that he wants to trim it where he can: defense spending is easier to cut than Medicare or Social Security.

If Romney, Gingrich or Santorum are able to come up with a better plan of action, i'd support them in a heartbeat. But they're wasting their breaths by talking about social issues when we face a fiscal problem that will be the downfall of this country, if not addressed immediately.

My last thought on this subject, as it applies to domestic and foreign policy, and fiscal concerns.

A federal republic appears to be the best system of government at this time. Conspiracy theorists believe that a small group of people in power are working to create a one-world government, of which they would be the leaders. I do not believe this to be the case, but if it were, it would be a rather stupid form of governance. Each man would be like a king, or a tyrant, and would have no checks or balances on what he did.

But a one-world government, operating as a federal republic, would be feasible. A bicameral legislature would have representatives from each country, the lower house based in proportion to their respective populations, and the upper house with two senators per country. An executive would serve for a very brief term, say one year only, after which he could never be reelected. Supreme courts would ensure that laws operate within the bounds of the constitution - whatever that new constitution would specify. All laws, besides the constitution, would expire after 10 years - forcing legislators to periodically reexamine them if they wish to keep them. The terms of office for any government official would be one-term only: a set period in which they act according to the promises they have made to their constituents.

Just as with our government system, each country would have discretion over local laws, taxes, and administration.

The benefits I see from this model are as follows:

World peace: disputes can be solved through discourse rather than brute force. 
Common law would apply to all citizens, protecting them equally from theft, bodily harm, and civil rights violations.
Promotion of international free trade: all tariffs would be eliminated
A singular monetary system whose value would draw stability from its constituent countries.
Adequate funding for large-scale public works projects, such as roads and railways, in every country.
Efficient, streamlined distribution of the global food supply.
Education systems that allow students to study wherever they please.
Promotion of capitalism, with all companies answering to ONE regulatory body. Small businesses allowed to flourish via microloans and other credit channels.
And lastly, funding for the sciences on an unprecedented scale, generating the potential to solve our energy problem, and advance cures for cancer, mental health problems, and drug addiction.

Potential disadvantages:

As with any system, there is a potential for corruption. There would need to be many eyes watching the government at all times to ensure that it stays clean.
Feasibility: people don't like to cooperate with each other. Having every country in the world adopt this system would be an extremely slow process, as compromises are found.

Finally, this system would have to be extremely secular: it would have to respect and leave religion alone, and not encourage or discourage the development of any one religion. Because of this, such a system would have to come into being for a reason: why would any one, or number of countries agree to cede power to a central power unless something was in it for them? This model is a work in progress, so I welcome any thoughts and comments.




From: Victor

Nick:
I would like to comment on your notes,
 
The fact that the government repeatedly lies to us and keeps things secret from us is enough of a reason to suspect that, usually when it goes to war, it is not for the best interest of the American people nor for the people in that region. There may be a few exceptions, but in general, this is sadly the case. Of the interventions you showed me in the last email, only the Korean and Balkan interventions seemed to have either neutral or positive outcomes. Libya is now ruled by Al-Qeida, a group which is not a good alternative to Quadaffi. Military intervention has caused more problems than it has fixed.
 
You are for restrained US foreign policy, as I understand. Recently, in 2011 and 2012, we have watched events in the Middle East, so-called “Arab spring” (in reality it is rather “Arab winter”). The US intervened in Libya (as a part of NATO), but stayed more or less neutral in other countries.
Now we are witnessing mass murder in Syria, with no action taken by the US except the failed UN denunciation vetoed by Russia and China. What is your take on this? You think we just watch the Syrian bloodshed and do nothing? My question illustrates that there is no easy answer to everyday international challenges.
Somebody should make a hard decision, like it or not… Isolating ourselves would not resolve issues pertinent to our security and interests.
 
Victor
 
From: Nick
 
If there’s anything that you absolutely have to watch, it’s this documentary on the relationship between US and war. As a favor to me, please watch the whole thing.
 
“Why We Fight”
 
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CyxRW702Cho Part 1
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WqDinS41-z8 part 2
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MURjhEFx45Y part 3
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=41rlm8INo_M part 4
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q_szqNFzKrE part 5 * Corporations have nothing to do with the military and war? John McCain thinks otherwise. But that can’t be because it’s a “leftist” position, right?
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SOwrlISqdok part 6     Dick Cheney made 60-70 million dollars from Halliburton
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9eIYeDWNrfQ Part 7
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NoOuAt891as Part 8 ******most important
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-QHqB3UtSGA Part 9 * government lies, news manipulation
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1R3bIX4uEhU part 10
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AFCivIxiTuE Part 11***** the cost of war on the Iraqi people, more lies from the government
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cBoTaPwRuC0 Part 12
 
The fact that the government repeatedly lies to us and keeps things secret from us is enough of a reason to suspect that, usually when it goes to war, it is not for the best interest of the American people nor for the people in that region. There may be a few exceptions, but in general, this is sadly the case. Of the interventions you showed me in the last email, only the Korean and Balkan interventions seemed to have either neutral or positive outcomes. Libya is now ruled by Al-Qeida, a group which is not a good alternative to Quadaffi. Military intervention has caused more problems than it has fixed. If the government truly went to war with the interests of the American people in mind, it would have followed the constitution and it wouldn’t have been so secretive. The fact that it has ignored that founding document constantly over the last 50 years proves to me that there is some other interest in mind. I’d like to believe that the US government has never done anything wrong and that it always supported freedom for others and always supported democracies, but the fact is that those were just words, and the actions, for the most part, are contradictory.
 
I simply don’t understand how the US can send food, money and aid to some people while at the same time bombing others who, for the most part, are innocent (obviously that’s not the goal, but innocent people make up 95% of the casualties, and you’d think they would have changed strategies by now). An Iraqi who lived through the 90’s, a period of perpetual US bombing and sanctions that killed a million people, will not remember the US as a force for good. He will not remember how the US affected Europe through the Marshall Plan or how it saved people in the Balkans. He will remember how a US drone killed his family and how the US government prevented medicine that could have cured his children’s ailments from entering the country; how US policy directly affected him. This is where the anti-American sentiment comes from, and we need to understand that if we have any hope of changing things.
 
This is the precise reason I bring up US actions that have a negative effect on the world. It upsets me how US policy is such a double standard. It upsets me that our image is tarnished through terrible actions like this. I don’t want the US to be portrayed as the bully. I don’t want the US to be hated. I don’t want the US to be attacked. But the only way to change that is to address its flawed policy. Otherwise we will remain in this perpetual state of warfare and totally ignorant of the true causes and the effects that it has on people in the affected countries. This is not a leftist position, this is the constitutional position. If the constitution is to the left of the current Republicans, then that should tell you something about the Republican party. I don’t pick sides when it comes to political parties, so don’t think that I’m a leftist or a rightist, or a centrist. I’m a realist.
 
On a side note, the US government classified 16 million documents Top Secret in 2011. Does that mean that 16 million documents can compromise American security, so they have to be hidden?

Tuesday, February 7, 2012

Corrections

Into the Electronic Revolution
Cameron Beaudreault

Do me a favor; put away your cell phone, turn off the music and pay attention. If you are reading this essay to learn something, you must actively engage with it; otherwise you may as well go back to checking your Facebook news feed. Nowadays, people can access any information from anywhere, including their Facebook and Twitter accounts, the vast stores of information on Wikipedia, and news updates on the presidential elections; all from the comfort of their phones. So is this technology inhibiting us, or assisting us? Some academics view the popularity of sites like Facebook and Twitter as proof that the Internet has little place in education. One of these pundits, a former Harvard professor named Sven Birkerts, single-handedly catalyzed this polemic with his writings. Because we are no longer living in the 90’s, a question must be raised: what if our society’s intellectual problem is not too much technology, but that the technology we have is underutilized?
Birkerts believes that the Internet is going to be the death of intellectualism; his essay “Into the Electronic Millennium” reflects on his encounter years ago with a professor who wanted to sell him his entire book collection. When asked to explain his divestiture, the man replied that he saw that computers were the future, and that his books represented a lot of pain for him. For Birkerts, a bibliophile by nature, this memory was rather unsettling. “It is a kind of marker in my mental life, for that afternoon I got my first serious inkling that all was not well in the world of print and letters” (470). This idea was corroborated by others, “new men and new women” who sold their books “as if heading to the future also required the destruction of tokens from the past” (470). From Birkerts’ perspective, people who sold their libraries and bought computers were rapidly abandoning the world of print. Considering the massive bookshelves in my home that have sat untouched for some time, though I come from a family of readers, I am inclined to agree. Online reading is seductively convenient compared to the process of finding and buying books.     
This seduction raises an important question: given the convenience and ubiquity of the Internet, how harmful could it be? As a much younger form of communication than print, we will only know whether or not it caused a break with the past in posterity. Anticipating the potential harm it could cause, Birkerts describes inherent problems with the Internet; unlike print, it is not subject to either the rules of logic or syntax. Worse, arguments on the Internet rely on anecdotes and rumors rather than facts, and lack historical context. Moreover, Internet content requires neither sustained reading nor processing, and is often published with no quality control, making it unusable for serious purposes (472).
Even so, print carries its own set of drawbacks; research is a painstaking process that becomes even more arduous by sifting through books. Moreover, the depth of a book depends almost entirely on the reader’s background. Unless he or she has previous knowledge of Salic Law or the foundations of European Monarchy, he would little benefit from reading the unabridged edition of Don Quixote. Perhaps most distressing is that written language is ambiguous, and like visual media can become propaganda in the wrong hands. I find that the two mediums have complementary roles; Google and Wikipedia are efficient tools for gathering data, while books donate structure and points of debate to one’s research. Web hyperlinks enable a deeper understanding of a subject, and books keep one’s thought processes coherent. The comments sections on websites provide exposure to multiple points of view, but analytical papers ensure that an investigation stays focused. The problem, as seen in the quote above, is persuading people that the two can coexist.
How can they coexist when students use the Internet for so many things other than school? Observing this, Birkerts argues that the Internet has worsened the decline of America’s education systems, and warns us of the “possibility that the young truly ‘know no other way,’ that they are not made of the same stuff that their elders are” (473). He fears that it has destroyed the work ethic of today’s youth, and that technology may be the only “way” they know how to learn. The other “ways” are the classroom paradigms of the lecture, the seminar, and the Western Canon. I agree with the letter of this warning; physical textbooks hold little interest with students who grew up with technology, especially for boys, since they are both naturally hyperactive and mainly visual learners. But if the lingua franca of today’s youth is technology, then why not teach them with it? I remember my 11th-grade Anatomy classes as being among the most informative and enjoyable parts of high school, because our teacher used animations to illustrate the lessons. This makes me believe that other classes would meet success with this type of illumination.
One of the reasons that public school students struggle is because almost none of their classes emphasize visual learning. Worse, much of the work they do is so repetitive that it effectively discourages learning. The effects of both problems are so pervasive that they can even be seen in the “best” students; while researching for a public speaking class last year, I found a graduation speech by Erica Goldson, the valedictorian of Coxsackie-Athens high school, that described how the work that went into her success ultimately stunted her education.

"While others sat in class and doodled to later become great artists, I sat in class to take notes and become a great test-taker. While others would come to class without their homework done because they were reading about an interest of theirs, I never missed an assignment. While others were creating music and writing lyrics, I decided to do extra credit, even though I never needed it. So, I wonder, why did I even want this position? Sure, I earned it, but what will come of it? When I leave educational institutionalism, will I be successful or forever lost? I have no clue about what I want to do with my life; I have no interests because I saw every subject of study as work, and I excelled at every subject just for the purpose of excelling, not learning (4)."

Erica’s exceptional grades came at the cost of her ability to pursue extracurricular activities. By going through school  ‘by the book’, she was unable to explore possible future areas of study. While Birkerts would argue that her method of learning 'by the books' was an effective teaching method, she herself noted that she felt lost and underdeveloped intellectually. Can we really say that Birkerts’ views hold water here? Erica Goldson wouldn’t think so.
Because so few of today’s students are interested in the classics, some have suggested that it is time to revise the Western Canon. Such a change would cause more harm than good, because it would hinder students from learning the foundations of western civilization. Fellow classicist and NYU student Andrew Montalenti argues that while the Canon itself should be preserved, the style in which it is taught must be changed, for: “the Canon does not make the artwork within it great; it is the artwork that makes the Canon great. By remembering this, our interpretation of these works can be richer and much more complicated than a mere deductive confirmation of expert opinion” (2). Students must be allowed to draw their own conclusions from reading these works. This would give them the ability to be as interested in the Canon as they are in reality shows. A number of recent movies (“Romeo and Juliet”, “300” and “Gladiator”), shows on HBO (“John Adams” and “The Tudors”) and video-games (the “Assassin’s Creed” series) accomplish this by giving audiences a pleasurable, accidental introduction to the Canon. Teachers could use these to convey lessons in the lingua franca while respecting the intellectual sovereignty of their students. Note that while visual media such as a videogame or a movie can be an effective aid to the academic process, it should be used as a teaching tool; by itself, it is not a linchpin for learning.
          Assuming visual media to be of no use for teaching, Birkerts predicted three major events that may come true should the Internet displace traditional learning methods. With no impetus for people to develop their communication skills, the majority of people will increasingly use “plainspeak”; a dumbed-down language similar to “newspeak” from George Orwell’s 1984 (474). If Internet discussions remain shallow, there will be a collective forgetting of historical perspectives (475). Worse, without exposure to diverse perspectives, a social collectivization is highly probable; people will be polarized along national, ethnic and religious lines, and the concept of individuality will cease to exist (475). If these predictions came true, it would spell the end of free will for everyone but the political and economic elite. For this reason, before attempting to counteract them, we must first make sure that they haven’t already happened.
If Birkerts’ assertions were correct, I would have no business using computers to do schoolwork. If, however, I found an investigation that dispelled his worries, my only concern would be to use technology responsibly. I found such an investigation by the BBC regarding “the social consequences of the Internet” (16). As the author Michael Lewis made headway into the project, he found that the network actually encouraged the exercise of free will.

What I was after was more like the Internet consequences of society. People take on the new tools they are ready for, and only make use of what they need, how they need it. If they were using the Internet to experiment with their identities, it was probably because they found their old identities were inadequate. If the Internet was giving the world a shove in a certain direction, it was probably because the world already felt inclined to move in that direction. When I realized this I stopped worrying over the social consequences of the Internet and began simply to watch what was actually happening on the Internet. Inadvertently, it was telling us what we wanted to become (16).

People embraced the technology, not out of coercion or hypnosis, but because they wanted to. This allowed for experimentation with their identities, as well as the creation of entirely new ones; many youths used it to explore interests in music, finance and law, which destabilized institutional monopolies of these industries. This, I believe, was the cause of peoples’ worries; thousands of jobs were at risk for every company to go bankrupt.
This concern over job security also helps explain Birkerts’ fears; a growing disinterest in literature threatens his ability to teach, and it is understandable that he would believe the Internet is to blame. It is also possible to address these fears while meeting the needs of students like Erica Goldson, Andrew Montalenti, and myself. Our desire to learn is still present, but we also want to develop perspectives that are not derived solely from our teachers. We should be able to share our knowledge with our peers and remove the intellectual inequalities that come from a one-way, teacher-to-student learning paradigm. This project could be undertaken though a website that allowed students to discuss and collaborate on their assignments, thus alleviating the burden on teachers to make sure no one is left behind. By distributing our knowledge amongst ourselves, more class time could be spent on learning new things rather than reviewing old lessons, enabling us to more fully realize our academic potential. I intend to create such a website, and hopefully find a solution that would please even the likes of Sven Birkerts. Rather than trying to prove him wrong, I want to reassure him, and myself, that our past will not be forgotten in the electronic revolution.




Works Cited:

Birkerts, Sven. “Into the Electronic Millennium.” Occasions for Writing. Ed. Robert DiYanni and
Pat C. Hoy II. Boston: Thomas Wadsworth, 2007. 469-76.

Montalenti, Andrew. “Questioning the Canon.” Mercer Street. Ed. Pat C. Hoy II. New York: NYU
    College of Arts and Science. 2003. 1-7.

Goldson, Erica. (2010, June). Here I stand. Valedictorian speech presented at Coxsackie-
    Athens High School. Coxsackie-Athens, New York.

Lewis, Michael. “Next. The future just happened.” New York: W. W. Norton and Company. 2001.
16.216.

Good News For Once

Well, well! Santorum's tearing it up, here, and Paul isn't doing too bad in Missouri. So what does this spell for the rest of the campaign? One: It's going to be a loooong primary. Two: Santorum has the potential to disrupt the Romney/Gingrich battle. While some might argue that this could leave the Republican party divided, whomever wins the nomination will have survived a test of fire. Any dirt that could be dug up on these candidates - Gingrich, Paul, Romney or Santorum - will have already been dug up. Any accusations that could be made will have already been vindicated - or proven right. As such, whomever deserves to win the nomination will win, by merit of their records and rhetorical skills.

Therefore; read 'em and laugh. We all know Santorum's not going to last long. 

 Results for U.S. Republican Presidential Primaries

StateGingrichPaulRomneySantorum

reporting
02/07MO-12.2%25.3%55.2%

99%
02/07MN10.6%27.1%17.1%45.0%

64%
02/07CO17.3%12.3%22.5%47.7%

16%
02/04NV21.1%18.8%50.1%10.0%

100%
01/31FL31.9%7.0%46.4%13.3%

100%                                                                                                              

Monday, February 6, 2012

A Home Grown Debate, Part 2

Nick,
Thanks for your writing and time.
Finally, I found time to respond. Sorry for delay.
 
I watched the BBC series "why we fight" you sent me. Although the authors tried to present both sides of the aisle, they missed (I think intentionally) several major events (Afghanistan, Kosovo, etc) and misrepresented some data (USA military budget as a portion of overall federal budget), and messed up with the democracy vs. capitalism (in interview with a leading expert in last part of the movie). Overall, this is about the Iraq war, and particularly presenting the war as a response to 9/11. But it is not 100% true. The major missing thing in the Iraq war analysis is the omission of the report of Congress Commission on 9/11. This is a major document answering questions about 9/11, Iraq, WMD. It is understandable that the commission report was not mentioned in the movie, - the report confirmed that Saddam Hussein wanted and pursued development of WMD. But sanctions, inspections, and constant pressure from the West did not allow his government to succeed in this goal. In short, it was just a matter of time until Saddam would get it...
 
What is the major conclusion you drew from this movie? Is it this, below?
>
> Military intervention has caused more problems than
> it has fixed. If the government truly went to war with the interests of the
> American people in mind, it would have followed the constitution and it
> wouldn't have been so secretive. The fact that it has ignored that founding
> document constantly over the last 50 years proves to me that there is some
> other interest in mind. I'd like to believe that the US government has never
> done anything wrong and that it always supported freedom for others and
> always supported democracies, but the fact is that those were just words,
> and the actions, for the most part, are contradictory.
>
>
 
 
Assuming that this is what you concluded, let me say again, that the US has not always done "right" things, but mostly has. There is no perfect world.
Nick, you are sensitive to government " lies", but interestingly not sensitive to a general demagoguery like " interests of the American people". What are they? Growing prosperity? Security? Security of energy resources? Spread democracy across the world? Nobody knows. Each administration defines them according to their political and ideological believes.
Even if we agree on some definition, still our interpretations would be different.
Personally, I am somewhere between "this country has permanent interests but temporary friends" (Disraeli on imperial Great Britain) and Reagan' optimistic "shining city on the hill".
The latter, by the way, that is why our families left Russia for America.
 
I care more about the US, less how others perceive us. Typically other countries have not loved us much, more or less. All these Pew polls show again and again the low standing of the US in let say Middle East. They maybe correct. Envy and hate-love rung deep. But then, these people stay all night in line at the American embassy to get a visa...
(We just returned from the Caribbean cruise. On islands, I asked our taxi drivers about their lives and politics. One driver summarized it as "America is a racist unjust country". Asked about children, the guys answered that they sent them to American universities... Interesting, ah? I think it answers many questions...)
 
Nick, you wrote about secrecy of the government. It seems to me it sounds naive, or Assange-esque. You believe that it should be no secrets from the public? And you call yourself "realist"?  J
 
Hopefully, our discussion will continue!  :-)
 
Victor
P.S. (1) I watched the clip you sent me before, Rick Steve' tour of Iran. A good movie, I should say. Traveling, tourism are good, but living is different. Plus he was controlled and had a minder. Ancient history and scenery are good, the today events coverage is highly questionable.
 
(2) Take a look below on the US military budget historical data. As a percentage of the outlays (liberals like this) or percentage of GDP (conservatives like this).
The data contradict what was said in the movie.
 
File:U.S. Federal Spending - FY 2010.svg
 
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/9/90/U.S._Defense_Spending_-_percent_to_Outlays.png
 
 
 
 

Friday, February 3, 2012

A Home-Grown Debate


Email #1
Victor
Nick:
This article from WSJ is on the point I made to you regarding Paul’s views on the US foreign policies and his opinion of America in general.
Some highlighting is mine.

Think about it.
Victor

What Ron Paul Thinks of America
It seemed improbable that the best-known American propagandist for our enemies could be near the top of the pack in the Iowa contest, but there it is.
Ron Paul's supporters are sure of one thing: Their candidate has always been consistent—a point Dr. Paul himself has been making with increasing frequency. It's a thought that comes up with a certain inevitability now in those roundtables on the Republican field. One cable commentator genially instructed us last Friday, "You have to give Paul credit for sticking to his beliefs."
He was speaking, it's hardly necessary to say, of a man who holds some noteworthy views in a candidate for the presidency of the United States. One who is the best-known of our homegrown propagandists for our chief enemies in the world. One who has made himself a leading spokesman for, and recycler of, the long and familiar litany of charges that point to the United States as a leading agent of evil and injustice, the militarist victimizer of millions who want only to live in peace.
Hear Dr. Paul on the subject of the 9/11 terror attacks—an event, he assures his audiences, that took place only because of U.S. aggression and military actions. True, we've heard the assertions before. But rarely have we heard in any American political figure such exclusive concern for, and appreciation of, the motives of those who attacked us—and so resounding a silence about the suffering of those thousands that the perpetrators of 9/11 set out so deliberately to kill.
There is among some supporters now drawn to Dr. Paul a tendency to look away from the candidate's reflexive way of assigning the blame for evil—the evil, in particular, of terrorism—to the United States.
One devout libertarian told me recently that candidate Paul "believes in all the things I do about the menace of government control, and he's a defender of the Constitution—I just intend to take what I like about him." The speaker, educated and highly accomplished in his field (music), is a committed internationalist whose views on American power are polar opposites of those his candidate espouses. No matter. Having tuned out all else that candidate has said—with, yes, perfect consistency—it was enough for him that Dr. Paul upheld libertarian values.
This admirer is representative of a fair number of people now flocking to the Paul campaign or thinking of doing so. It may come as a surprise to a few of them that in the event of a successful campaign, a President Paul won't be making decisions based just on the parts of his values that his supporters find endearing. He'd be making decisions about the nation's defense, national security, domestic policy and much else. He'd be the official voice of America—and, in one conspicuous regard, a familiar one.
The world may not be ready for another American president traversing half the globe to apologize for the misdeeds of the nation he had just been elected to lead. Still, it would be hard to find any public figure in America whose views more closely echo those of President Obama on that tour.
Most of Dr. Paul's supporters, of course, don't actually imagine he can become president. Nor do they dwell on the implications of the enlarged influence conferred on him by a few early primary victories (a third-party run is not something he rules out, the ever-consistent Dr. Paul has repeatedly said under questioning).
A grandfatherly sort who dispenses family cookbooks on the campaign trail, candidate Paul is entirely aware of the value of being liked. He has of late even tried softening the tone of some of his comments on the crime of foreign aid and such, but it doesn't last long. There he was at the debate last Thursday waving his arms, charging that the U.S. was declaring "war on 1.2 billion Muslims," that it "viewed all Muslims as the same." Yes, he allowed, "there are a few radicals"—and then he proceeded to hold forth again on the good reasons terrorists had for mounting attacks on us.
His efforts on behalf of Iran's right to the status of misunderstood victim continued apace. On the Hannity show following the debate, Dr. Paul urged the host to understand that Iran's leader, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, had never mentioned any intention of wiping Israel off the map. It was all a mistranslation, he explained. What about Ahmadinejad's denial of the Holocaust? A short silence ensued as the candidate stared into space. He moved quickly on to a more secure subject. "They're just defending themselves," he declared.
Presumably he was referring to Iran's wishes for a bomb. It would have been intriguing to hear his answer had he been asked about another Ahmadinejad comment, made more than once—the one in which the Iranian leader declares the U.S. "a Satanic power that will, with God's will, be annihilated."
There can be no confusions about Dr. Paul's own comments about the U.S. After 9/11, he said to students in Iowa, there was "glee in the administration because now we can invade Iraq." It takes a profoundly envenomed mindset—one also deeply at odds with reality—to believe and to say publicly that the administration of this nation brought so low with grief and loss after the attack had reacted with glee. There are, to be sure, a number of like-minded citizens around (see the 9/11 Truthers, whose opinions Dr. Paul has said he doesn't share). But we don't expect to find their views in people running for the nation's highest office.
The Paul comment here is worth more than a passing look. It sums up much we have already heard from him. It's the voice of that ideological school whose central doctrine is the proposition that the U.S. is the main cause of misery and terror in the world. The school, for instance, of Barack Obama's former minister famed for his "God d— America" sermons: the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, for whom, as for Dr. Paul, the 9/11 terror assault was only a case of victims seeking justice, of "America's chickens coming home to roost."
Some in Iowa are reportedly now taking a look at Dr. Paul, now risen high in the polls there. He has plenty of money for advertising and is using it, and some may throw their support to him, if only as protest votes. He appears to be gaining some supporters in New Hampshire as well. It seemed improbable that the best-known of American propagandists for our enemies could be near the top of the pack in the Iowa contest, but there it is. An interesting status for a candidate of Dr. Paul's persuasion to have achieved and he'll achieve even more if Iowans choose to give him a victory.
Email #2
Nick
Here are some links that I would like for you to take a look at. Changing opinions is difficult so look at this with an open mind.

I hope to hear your thoughts on this. Also please do some fact checking on this as I can’t possibly know if this is 100% accurate, but from what I did research, everything adds up.

Informative links


Documentary on Iraq made in the early 2000s

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4hJTisovvjc Ron Paul in 1998 predicted we would be attacked

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mad9Q4TPaDk Israeli PM Netanyahu addresses congress, same stance as Ron Paul


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=udz5_FdoFGU Head of CIA Bin Laden unit again

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=chXjCtkymRQ US troops talk about Halliburton and KBR

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YkkEIlJ0Y10 US funding Iranian nuclear program

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UbDfYzq_HaQ Dick Cheney and Halliburton

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XKfuS6gfxPY Seeing this from a different perspective

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kc5E-MnDBVk A few examples of US intervention and the costs


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BrxpLEuWjM4 Interesting facts from Fox News

http://ronpaulronpaul.com/img/2011-graph-500x833.jpg Ron Paul gets more donations from active duty military than all other Republican candidates AND Obama COMBINED

Response to the article

by Jacob G. Hornberger

One of the more fascinating attacks on Ron Paul comes from Dorothy Rabinowitz in the December 22, 2012, issue of the Wall Street Journal.

Not surprisingly, given that Rabinowitz serves on the Journal’s editorial board, she goes after Paul for his foreign-policy views. What I found interesting about the article, which is entitled “What Ron Paul Thinks of America,” is the superficial nature of the attack. Rabinowitz’s article, quite simply, lacks any depth of analysis on the critical points she makes about Paul.
Rabinowitz begins her attack by repeating the standard canard that interventionists love to level at libertarians who point to the role that U.S. foreign policy played in motivating the 9/11 attacks. She says that Paul is blaming America for the attacks and even accuses Paul of being the “best-known American propagandist for our enemies.”
But contrary to Rabinowitz’s assertion, neither Paul nor any other libertarian has ever blamed America for the 9/11 attacks. Libertarians point to what the federal government has done to people overseas that has incited them to anger and rage, which ultimately has motivated some of them to engage in terrorist retaliation.
Did you catch that? Libertarians point to the role of the U.S. government’s foreign policy is generating the anger and hatred that many foreigners have for the United States, which ultimately culminated in the 9/11 attacks? Do you see anything in the previous paragraph about blaming America or the American people for anti-American terrorism?
Like so many other interventionists, Rabinowitz makes the standard mistake of conflating the federal government and the country. For her, they are obviously one and the same thing. For the interventionist, the federal government is America. Condemn what the U.S. government has done to people overseas and you’re condemning America. You’ve become a “propagandist for America’s enemies.”
It’s a shame that Rabinowitz didn’t take the time to delve into and carefully analyze this point of her attack. It would have been fascinating to see her confront how she herself jumps from a critique made of the U.S. government’s foreign policy to one of blaming America or even becoming a “propagandist for America’s enemies.”
In fact, given the Journal’s devotion to the Constitution, it would have been fascinating to see how Rabinowitz reconciles her mindset, in which she conflates the federal government and the country, with the Bill of Rights. Since the Bill of Rights expressly protects America from the federal government, that is fairly persuasive proof that the federal government and the country are two separate and distinct entities. How would Rabinowitz deal with that?
Actually, however, the problem goes deeper than that. I wish Rabinowitz had carefully explained her reasoning regarding libertarian critique of U.S. foreign policy. Here are some questions that would have made for a much more interesting article:
1. Is Rabinowitz saying that the federal government/America is incapable of doing bad things to people overseas?
2. Or is she saying that when the federal government/America does bad things to people overseas, foreigners are incapable of getting angry over such things?
3. Or is she saying that when foreigners do get angry over bad things that the federal government/America does to them, it is inconceivable that such anger could ever manifest itself in terrorist retaliation?
4. Or is she saying that the evidence with respect to 9/11 suggests that the terrorists were motivated by hatred for America’s “freedom and values” rather than by anger arising from U.S. foreign policy?
Alas, in her haste to attack Ron Paul for his non-interventionism, Rabinowitz failed to confront any of those questions. That’s a shame because she could have really enlightened people as to the nature of the interventionist mindset and it truly differs from that of libertarians.
Part 2
Given the ongoing tensions between the U.S. government and the Iranian regime, it is not surprising that Wall Street Journal editorial board member Dorothy Rabinowitz brought up Iran in her attack on Ron Paul’s libertarian views on foreign policy.
What was disappointing, again, was the superficial level of her attack. Here was an excellent opportunity to show people the nature of the interventionist mindset, how it applies specifically to Iran, and how it differs from that of libertarians.
Instead, Rabinowitz limited her remarks to mocking Ron Paul over a statement that Iranian leader Mahmoud Ahmadinejad made long ago about wiping Israel off the map and Ahmadinejad’s denial of the Holocaust.
What a shame because Rabinowitz missed the opportunity to discuss Iran in the context of a central issue of her op-ed — whether U.S. foreign policy ever engenders so much anger and hatred for the United States that the victims are motivated to retaliate with acts of terrorism.
Consider, for example, the CIA-instigated coup in Iran in 1953, which ousted the democratically elected prime minister of the country from office and replaced him with a brutal unelected dictator, one who continued oppressing the Iranian people for the next 25 years.
It would have been fascinating to read Rabinowitz’s take on the CIA coup. Does she believe that the U.S. government was justified in destroying Iran’s experiment with democracy and installing a brutal U.S.-supported dictatorship in its stead? Does she consider the CIA’s coup an act of war against a sovereign and independent regime? Does she consider it an act of goodness for the benefit of the Iranian people? Does she justify the coup by resorting to the old time-honored mantra of the national-security state, “national security”?
Equally important, how does she perceive the reaction of the Iranian people upon learning what the CIA had done to their country? Does she feel that Iranians became angry over the coup? Or does she take the position that it is inconceivable the coup would generate anger among Iranians given that a friend of the United States was installed into power?
When the Iranian revolution occurred in 1979, after 25 years of brutal and oppressive U.S. government-supported dictatorship, some of the revolutionaries took U.S. diplomats hostage, which was clearly an act of terrorism. What would Rabinowitz say about that? Would she say that the terrorist retaliation had nothing to do with what the CIA had done 25 years before and nothing to do with the U.S. government’s support of the Iranian dictatorship for the previous 25 years? Would she say that the terrorism was instead motivated by hatred for America’s “freedom and values”? Indeed, would she argue that America’s “freedom and values” encompass the authority of the U.S. government to engage in regime-change operations in countries whose regimes are headed by officials who don’t kowtow to the U.S. government?
Again, we don’t know the answer to those questions because, unfortunately, Rabinowitz’s attack on Ron Paul, while long on superficialities, was short on substance.
Consider the recent alleged assassination plot on American soil that U.S. officials claimed was orchestrated by the Iranian government. Weren’t interventionists angry and outraged over it? Didn’t they consider it to be an act of aggression? Weren’t they calling for military retaliation against Iran?
Yet, at the same time, such interventionists cannot understand why Iranians would get angry over a successful CIA-instigated coup in their country that destroyed their experiment with democracy and subjected them to a brutal unelected dictatorship for the next 25 years.
Indeed, there is significant evidence that the U.S. military and the CIA are currently engaged in covert assassinations of atomic scientists in Iran. What do U.S. interventionists say about that? They think it’s inconceivable that Iranians would get angry over such a thing and, in any event, that such anger would be unjustified.
And what about the deadly and destructive effects of the U.S. sanctions against Iran? Does Rabinowitz concede that they might engender anger and hatred for the United States among the Iranian people? Alas, we don’t know because she chose not to address that critically important issue.
In her article, Rabinowitz mocked the assertion that Iran might want to acquire a nuclear bomb for defensive purposes.
Yet, consider the fact that there are no regime-change operations directed at North Korea, which U.S. officials placed in the same “axis of evil” in which they placed Iran. Why the difference in treatment? North Korea has acquired a nuclear weapon, one that is clearly not being fired at the United States but instead has succeeded in deterring a U.S. regime-change operation in North Korea, unlike, say, the situation in Iraq, where the regime had no nuclear weapons and where the U.S. government did succeed in effecting regime change with a brutal military invasion and a deadly nine-year military occupation.
Might that not explain why Iran might try to acquire a nuclear weapon? Why can’t interventionists see that?
And therein lies a big part of the problem with the interventionist mindset: Interventionists simply cannot place themselves in the shoes of foreigners who are the victims of U.S. foreign policy. All they can think about is being in the shoes of the U.S. Empire, as it treads across the globe, killing, maiming, kidnapping, renditioning, incarcerating, torturing, and abusing people in the process of trying to install pro-U.S. regimes into power, which interventionists say must all be good because it is being done by the U.S. Empire.
Alas, Rabinowitz fails to discuss any of this. Instead, she limits her superficial attack on Ron Paul to some statement that Ahmadinejad made years ago about wiping Israel off the map and his denial that the Holocaust took place.
Yet, throughout the Cold War conservatives were saying the same thing about the Soviet Union that Ahmadinejad said about Israel — how they wanted to see the Soviet Union wiped off the map. While it is true that many officials in the Pentagon favored a first-strike nuclear attack on the Soviet Union during the Cold War, most conservatives were simply hoping that the Soviet Union would collapse and disintegrate — i.e., be wiped off the map — of its own accord, which it ultimately was.
What about Rabinowitz’s complaint that Ahmadinejad has denied the Holocaust? Libertarians hold that the God-given rights of freedom of thought and freedom of speech entail the right to believe and say whatever people want, no matter how despicable. But I suppose that’s just one more difference between libertarians and conservatives.
Part 3
One of the most disappointing aspects of Wall Street Journal editorial member Dorothy Rabinowitz’s attack on Ron Paul for his foreign-policy views pertains to the motives of those who are driven to commit terrorist attacks on the United States. While repeatedly pooh-poohing Paul’s emphasis on U.S. foreign policy for being the motive behind the 9/11 attacks, Rabinowitz failed to reveal her own thinking on the subject. That’s truly a shame because she passed up an opportunity to give people a glimpse into the interventionist mind on this important subject.
Does Rabinowitz take the same line that many U.S. officials took immediately after the 9/11 attacks: that the terrorists were motivated by hatred for America’s “freedom and values“? Was it their disdain for rock and roll, religious liberty, gun rights, and freedom of speech that drove them to commit those suicide attacks?
Alas, we don’t know because Rabinowitz didn’t reveal her thinking on the issue. Instead, she simply mocked what libertarians, including Paul, have been saying ever since the 9/11 attacks — that what the U.S. government had been doing to people in the Middle East produced so much anger and rage that it ultimately manifested itself in acts of terrorism.
Let’s examine some of those aspects of U.S. foreign policy and ask ourselves what Rabinowitz would say about their possible effect on people in the Middle East.
Let’s consider, for example, the brutal sanctions that the U.S. government and the UN (at the behest of the U.S. government) imposed and enforced against Iraq for more than 10 years, which contributed to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi children.
What would Rabinowitz say about that? Would she say that the sanctions didn’t really do that? Would she say that the brunt of the sanctions fell only on Saddam Hussein and his inner circle? Would she deny that people in the Middle East attributed the deaths of the children to the sanctions? What would she say about the two high UN officials — Denis Halliday and Hans von Sponek — who resigned in protest against what they called genocide?
Or would she say that even though hundreds of thousands of Iraqi children died as a result of the sanctions, people in the Middle East didn’t really get angry about it? Would she say the same thing that U.S. officials said about Asians during the Vietnam War — that people in the Middle East simply don’t place the same value on human life as Americans do? Would she say that friends and relatives of the deceased children would have been okay with the deaths given that the sanctions were meant for a good purpose — regime change in Iraq?
Alas, we just don’t know what Rabinowitz would say about that because, for whatever reason, she chose not address the issue in her attack on Ron Paul.
In 1996 — five years before the sanctions were finally lifted — U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Madeleine Albright — was asked by “Sixty Minutes“: “We have heard that half a million children have died. I mean, that is more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the price worth it?“
Albright responded: “I think that is a very hard choice, but the price, we think, the price is worth it.“
Did any U.S. official, including President Clinton, condemn Albright or correct her? Nope. Presumably their mindset was the same as hers.
So, what would Rabinowitz say about that? Would she say that “Sixty Minutes“ misquoted Albright or took her words out of context? Would she say that Albright forgot to deny that half-a-million children had died as a result of the sanctions? Or would she say that people in the Middle East, including the parents of the children, would not actually get too upset over such a statement by the U.S. government’s official spokesman before the UN?
Again, we don’t know what Rabinowitz would say because she remained silent on the issue in her attack on Ron Paul. What a shame because it would have been fascinating to gain a glimpse of the interventionist mindset on this important issue.
Or consider the unconditional foreign aid, both cash and weaponry, that the U.S. government has long provided the Israeli government. No matter where one falls on the divide between Israel and the Palestinians, everyone agrees that there is tremendous anger and hatred among many Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims over the existence of the Israeli state and what they consider has been horrible mistreatment of the Palestinians by the Israeli government. Therefore, doesn’t it stand to reason that such anger and hatred would apply to the foreign regime that unconditionally provides cash and armaments to the regime that such people hate?
What would Rabinowitz say about that? Again, we just don’t know.
What about the U.S. government’s stationing of troops near Mecca and Medina? Everyone knows that those are the holiest lands in the Muslim religion. Most everyone also knows that many Muslims hold that non-Muslims are infidels. Thus, wouldn’t it stand to reason that such Muslims might get angry over the stationing of people whom they consider infidels near lands that they consider sacred?
What would Rabinowitz say about that? Again, we just don’t know.
Do you recall the sex-abuse scandal at Abu Ghraib prison? There was a batch of videos that the U.S. government ordered to be kept secret from the American people and the people of the world. Apparently the videos contained things so horrific that U.S. military officials felt that disclosing them would incite people in the Middle East to attack U.S. troops.
Doesn’t that imply that people in the Middle East can get full of rage over U.S. government misconduct in that part of the world?
What would Rabinowitz say about that? Would she say that the U.S. government was behaving in a silly manner in keeping those videos under wraps because it is inconceivable that people in the Middle East might get angry over the misconduct of U.S. troops in the region?
Again, we just don’t know because Rabinowitz failed to tell us.
Indeed, I can’t help but wonder how Rabinowitz would respond to the fact that the anti-American terrorists themselves, time after time, have pointed to the bad things the U.S. government has done in the Middle East as the root of their anger.
Go back, for example, to Ramzi Yousef’s angry tirade to the federal judge at his sentencing hearing for his role in the 1993 terrorist attack on the World Trade Center. Or Osama bin Laden’s fatwah against the United States. Or the Ft. Hood bomber. Or the Detroit bomber. They all point to U.S. foreign policy as the source of their rage, not hatred for rock and roll, religious liberty, freedom of speech, or any other of America’s “freedom and values.“
What would Rabinowitz say about that? We just don’t know.
Or maybe Rabinowitz would say that motive just doesn’t matter. Maybe she would say that once the terrorists attacked on 9/11, all that mattered was the wreaking of vengeance.
But wouldn’t that be a short-sighted view? Establishing why someone did something might be important in establishing policy that avoids such conduct in the future, which might go a long way in avoiding any more loss of innocent life.
Consider a real-life example of where establishing motive was important. After Timothy McVeigh’s terrorist attack on the federal building in Oklahoma City, libertarians pointed to what had motivated McVeigh to commit his act of terrorism — the federal massacre of the Branch Davidians at Waco.
Statists, who wanted no examination into what the feds had done at Waco (or at Ruby Ridge), leveled the same type of nasty attack on libertarians that Rabinowitz has leveled on Ron Paul. Trying to shut down any public discussion of the federal wrongdoing at Waco, the statists accused libertarians of being justifiers. “You people are justifiers,“ they cried. “By pointing to McVeigh’s motive, you’re justifying his conduct and you’re sympathizing with him.“
But notice something important about Waco and Oklahoma City. Thanks to the spotlight that libertarians shone on Waco, there have been no more Waco-type massacres of American citizens by U.S. officials and, consequently, no more Oklahoma City type of retaliatory terrorist attacks.
The principle is no different with U.S. foreign policy and anti-American terrorism. Dismantle the empire and end the interventionism, and the anger and rage that motivates foreigners to retaliate with terrorism disintegrates, which, by the way, would also eliminate the excuse for taking away our rights and freedoms here at home in the name of “keeping us safe.“
While we’re on the subject of motive, is it possible that Rabinowitz’s motive in leveling her superficial attack on Ron Paul was to dissuade Americans into examining and questioning U.S. foreign policy, including such things as sanctions, foreign aid, invasions, coups, occupations, kidnappings, support of dictatorships, torture, secret prison camps, indefinite detention, kangaroo military tribunals, out of control spending and debt, TSA porn scans and body groping, the PATRIOT Act, telecom immunity, sneak and peek searches, and all of the other deadly and destructive anti-freedom things that interventionists hold dear?
Part 4
The most disgraceful — but, at the same time, the most revealing and, also, the most ominous — aspect of Wall Street Journal editorial board member Dorothy Rabinowitz’s attack on Ron Paul was when she accused Paul of being “the best-known of our homegrown propagandists for our chief enemies in the world.”
That is one fascinating and honest revelation of the interventionist mindset.
After all, let’s not forget two important things about the country in which we now live:
(1) We now live in a country in which the president, operating through his military forces and the CIA, now wields the power to assassinate; and
(2) We now live in a country in which the military wields the authority to round up Americans and incarcerate them indefinitely in military facilities without trial and treat them as terrorists.
What’s the standard by which these powers are exercised? We don’t know. It’s classified. We’re not permitted to know because to reveal the standard would, they tell us, threaten “national security.”
But what we do know is that one of the Americans they’ve assassinated was alleged to be precisely what Rabinowitz has accused Ron Paul of being: a homegrown propagandist for our chief enemies of the world.
That’s why President Obama, the Pentagon, and the CIA assassinated American citizen Anwar al-Awlaki — for being a homegrown propagandist for our chief enemies of the world.
And therein lies one of the chief threats to a free society posed by interventionism.
And let me tell you something: Rabinowitz is not some interventionist aberration. She’s a model for the interventionist mindset. She is the epitome of the paradigm of foreign interventionism.
In that one sentence, Rabinowitz revealed the true essence of the interventionist mind — one that conflates criticism of government policy with those who are violently resisting the U.S. government’s actions overseas. For her, they are obviously one and the same thing.
After all, no one seriously believes that Ron Paul has formally joined al Qaeda or the insurgency in Afghanistan or the people resisting U.S. drone attacks in Pakistan, Yemen, and elsewhere. Not even Rabinowitz believes that.
Then why would she say that? Why would she accuse Paul of the precise thing that al-Awlaki was assassinated for?
Because her mindset is obviously such that when a person criticizes what the government is doing to people overseas, the critic automatically has joined the other side.
Rabinowitz accused Ron Paul of being “a homegrown propagandist for our chief enemies of the world” because she honestly believes it. And the reason she believes it is based on nothing more than Paul’s criticism of the U.S. government’s policies abroad.
This is one of the big reasons that we libertarians have been opposing the enemy-combatant doctrine ever since it was adopted immediately after 9/11. We have consistently maintained that you can’t trust the president, the military, and the CIA with the decision as to who is guilty of terrorism and who isn’t. That’s what a criminal trial is for — to determine who is guilty of a crime and who isn’t. And if anyone doubts whether terrorism is in fact a federal criminal offense, all he need do is go look at the U.S. Code or visit any number of federal courts across the land in which people have been indicted and are being prosecuted for terrorism.
Equally important, we have repeatedly emphasized that whenever a country’s ruler, along with his military and intelligence forces, wields these types of omnipotent powers, officials inevitably begin perceiving critics of the regime as part of the enemy forces. Thus, the round-ups, the detention, the torture, and the executions inevitably expand to encompass critics of the regime, especially during “crises” or “emergencies,” when the citizenry is frightened.
Look at Egypt, where the U.S.-supported military dictatorship absolutely refuses to give up the same powers that are now wielded by Obama, the Pentagon, and the CIA. Those are the same powers that angered the Egyptian people to such an extent that they violently revolted against the tyranny of their own government. For 30 years, Egypt’s military dictatorship has used those powers to round up and incarcerate critics and dissidents, torture them, and execute them.
And all in the name of “national security,” “order and stability,” and “keeping the people safe.”
Oh, and don’t forget — these 30-year-old emergency powers were supposed to be only temporary. To this day, Egypt’s military dictatorship, said to be the friend of the people, has bared its fangs by absolutely refusing to give up its power to round up people as “terrorists” (and as “drug dealers”), incarcerate them without trial, torture them, and execute them — the same power now wielded by the president and the Pentagon here in the United States as part of their “war on terrorism.”
And, hey, the mindset of the Egyptian military is the same as the interventionist mindset in America. A critic of the regime is an enemy of the regime. By criticizing the regime, he has joined the other side. He has become a propagandist for the nation’s enemies. He needs to be treated accordingly. How else can “national security” be preserved? How else can “order and stability” be maintained? How else can “the people be kept safe?”
And make no mistake about it: Deep down, the people in the Pentagon and the CIA share the Rabinowitz mindset. After all, let’s not forget who’s been supporting, cooperating, training, funding, and cozying up to Egypt’s totalitarian military regime for the last 30 years.
Yes, the Pentagon and the CIA. That’s because they’ve believed in the Egyptian military dictatorship. They’ve favored what that dictatorship has been doing for the past 30 years. After all, what better way to protect “national security” and “establish order and stability” and “keep people safe” than by silencing people who are objecting to the totalitarian policies under which they are living?
And it’s not as though the Pentagon and the CIA were unaware of the Egypt’s military dictatorship’s excellent system for torturing people. They were fully aware of it given that they have chosen Egypt’s military dictatorship to be one of their foreign torture partners, a partnerships in which Egyptian military goons torture people that U.S. officials send to them for that purpose.
No American should have any pretensions on whether the Pentagon and the CIA will follow whatever orders the president issues, especially in the midst of an “emergency” or “crisis.” They loyally followed orders to round up Americans and cart them away to concentration camps in World War II. They loyally followed orders to arrest, incarcerate, and torture American citizen Jose Padilla, after his removal from the jurisdiction of the federal courts. They loyally followed orders to assassinate American citizen Anwar al-Awlaki. They have loyally followed orders to incarcerate indefinitely without trial, torture, and execute a large number of foreign citizens. They have loyally followed orders to sanction, invade, and occupy countries that have never attacked the United States or even threatened to do so, killing and maiming countless people in the process.
Make no mistake about it: To protect our “national security” and to maintain “order and stability” and to “keep us safe” — especially in an “emergency” or “crisis” — the military and the CIA will follow whatever orders the president issues to them. In their mind, by doing so they will be “supporting and defending the Constitution” and the “rights and freedoms we all enjoy as Americans.”
The Rabinowitz mindset, as manifested in her piece that the Wall Street Journal knowingly, deliberately, and intentionally chose to publish, constitutes a perfect revelation of the grave danger to freedom that Americans now face under the government’s omnipotent power to round up Americans and to assassinate Americans. It is the same threat that the Egyptian people face. And the Chinese people. And the North Korean people. And the Cuban people. It is the threat that people living under totalitarian regimes throughout history have had to face.
It is the very real danger in which critics of government policy are viewed as enemies of the state — people who have joined the other side — fifth columnists — people who have crossed the line and become propagandists for the nation’s enemies — people who need to be dealt with accordingly by the nation’s military and intelligence forces, whose mission is to protect “national security,” “maintain order and stability,” and “keep the people safe.”
What follows the round-ups, incarceration, torture, and execution is oftentimes silence — a deafening silence as the rest of the citizenry realize what lies in store for them if they protest the treatment of those who have already been forced into the concentration camps, the military dungeons, the torture chambers, and the execution rooms.
It is tremendously encouraging that interventionists are openly attacking Ron Paul for his foreign policy views — views that mirror those of America’s Founding Fathers — and, in the process, revealing their interventionist mindsets. It shows that the interventionists are getting nervous about the fact that increasing numbers of Americans are finally recognizing that the interventionists have brought us nothing but moral debauchery, economic depression, financial bankruptcy, and ever-increasing loss of our rights and freedoms and who are now wishing to restore a free, peaceful, harmonious, and prosperous society and a constitutional republic to our land.
Jacob Hornberger is founder and president of the Future of Freedom Foundation.
Email #3
Nick
Here is an interesting article. I’ve highlighted some parts that are most important to understand.


Ron Paul Vindicated on Iran (Unfortunately)

JAN 5 2012, 5:22 PM ET 32
A week ago Ron Paul tried to convey how the ever-tightening sanctions on Iran--which may soon include an embargo on its oil--look from an Iranian point of view: It's as if China were to blockade the Gulf of Mexico, he said--"an act of war".

This is sheer conjecture; Ron Paul is no expert on Iran. But now someone who does have relevant credentials has weighed in, and the picture he paints is disturbingly reminiscent of the one Paul painted. It suggests we may be closer to war than most people realize.
Vali Nasr, in addition to being a highly respected expert on the Middle East, belongs to a family that, according to Lobelog's sources, has "a direct line into Iranian Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's inner circle." In a Bloomberg View piece that is getting a lot of attention, Nasr reports that "Iran has interpreted sanctions that hurt its oil exports, which account for about half of government revenue, as acts of war." Indeed, the Iranian leadership now sees U.S. policy as "aimed at regime change."
In this light, Iran's recent threats--notably that it will close the Strait of Hormuz in response to an oil embargo--shouldn't be dismissed, says Nasr. "The regime in Tehran is ready for a fight."
The good news is that Nasr thinks war can be averted. The bad news is that to accomplish this America and other Western powers need to "imagine how the situation looks from Tehran"--not exactly a favorite pastime among American politicians these days.
Still, if only for the intellectual exercise, let's do try to imagine what things look like from Iran's point of view.
Iran's nuclear scientists have recently evinced a tendency to get assassinated, and a mysterious explosion at a military facility happened to kill the general in charge of Iran's missile program. These things were almost certainly done by Israel, possibly with American support. If you were Iranian, would you consider assassinations on your soil grounds for attacking the suspected perpetrators?
Well, we know that some notable Americans think assassinating people on American soil is punishable by war. After the alleged Iranian plot to assassinate a Saudi Ambassador in Washington was uncovered, Bill Kristol (whom you may recall from our previous run-up to a disastrous war)recommended that we attack Iran.
But I'm guessing that if I tried this Iran-America analogy out on Kristol, he might detect asymmetries. For example: We're us, whereas they're just them.
Underlying our Iran strategy is the assumption that if we keep ratcheting up the pressure, the regime will eventually say uncle. A problem with this premise is that throughout human history rulers have shown an aversion to being seen by their people as surrendering. Indeed, when you face dissent, as the Iranian regime does, there's actually a certain appeal to confronting an external threat, since confrontation tends to consolidate domestic support. As Nasr puts it, "the ruling clerics are responding with shows of strength to boost solidarity at home."
This doesn't mean Iran's rulers haven't wanted to make a deal. But it does mean the deal would have to leave these rulers with a domestically plausible claim to have benefited from it, and it also means these leaders can't afford to be seen begging for the deal. When President Ahmadinejad visited New York last year, he gave reporters unmistakable signals that he wanted to negotiate, but the Obama administration chose to ignore them. After Ahmadinejad "went home empty handed," reports Nasr, power increasingly shifted to Iranians who argued for confrontation over diplomacy.
Even so, Iran's foreign minister made another appeal to re-open talks only days ago, suggesting that they be held in Turkey. But, as the New York Times reported, western nations interpreted this overture "as an effort by Iran to buy time to continue its program." Got that? If Iranians refuse to negotiate it means they don't want a deal, and if they ask to negotiate it means they don't want a deal.
Nasr says the tightening of the screws is making Iran increasingly determined to get nuclear weapons--not to start a war, but to prevent one. Having seen what happened to Muammar Qaddafi, says Nasr, Iran's leaders worry that foreign powers would "feel safe enough to interfere in the affairs of a non-nuclear-armed state."
This is the kind of thing Ron Paul presumably had in mind when he said Iran may want nuclear weapons in order to get some "respect." But hey, what does Ron Paul know?



Email #4
Victor
Nick,
I assume that this subject is for discussion by all addressees, so I reply to all.

Some time ago we discussed Ron Paul using our own arguments. Now we are exchanging articles and clips supporting our points of view. I guess they are still diverting in terms of foreign policies of the US.
Let me answer to the points made in the article below.
First, about "declaration of war" or "act of war" that oil embargo would mean to Iranians, particularly to ayatollahs. The author put this suggestion in a context that has no reference to the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Why not we consider first actual acts of war committed by Iran, specifically by the Revolutionary Guards, against the US in Lebanon in 80-ies (bombing of the Marines with number of casualties running in hundreds), or against Argentina in 90-ies (bombing of Jewish community center in buenos aires), or against Israel in form of providing Hezbollah and Hamas with weapons. Iran has been on the US terrorist list for a long time... So what was the response to these acts? unfortunately, very little. Mostly investigations. I think that made Iranian regime think that it can go unpunished. So the threat of oil embargo, - as a response to the A bomb development, - does not look like "an act of war". It is rather a sign of international pressure. A serious one, so Iranians take it seriously. This is what the West wants.
Throughout the years, Iran openly declared its intensions towards Israel, namely annihilation of the Jewish state. It stated this goal in the UN! First time in the history of this organization. Similar threat were directed towards the West. I think it should be taken seriously, without discount for rhetoric.

Secondly, the author sarcasm regarding the West not willing to negotiate with Iran, is ridiculous.
Iran has used this tactic several times before, just to buy time. Like North Korea has done.

I am putting these arguments here to tell you that Ron Paul is not right when he says that the US is to blame. Opposite, Iran is an evil state and US retreat is dangerous. We should defend our interests and prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons because it will use it as declared.

I know that "what if" does not work with history, but it seems to me Ron Paul would never send American troops to Europe to fight Nazis. It would be "overstepping the Constitution" for him.
And therefore the US could have been on the wrong side of history.

I remain in my position: Ron Paul' foreign policy is irresponsible and insane.

I have read your previous, much larger previous message regarding Ron Paul too. We will discuss it separately later.
Email #5
Cameron
You know... the theory of Mutually Assured Destruction still applies today. If Iran were to use a nuclear bomb on Israel \ at any point in the future, Israel would respond by utterly destroying Iran.

Paul recognizes this, but he also recognizes the cause and effect of Iran's 'mental' state towards other nations: the gov't is scared that the rest of the world is ganging up on it. How would you feel if every country started an embargo against America?

If you're going to stand up to a bully, you have to be able to defend yourself physically.
Email #6
Victor
The deterrence concept of MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) can be applied only if both sides DO NOT WANT TO DIE. This was the case for Soviet Union vs. the US because both countries did not want to be destroyed but at the same time kept their nuclear arsenals ready as a deterrent.
The concept is not applicable to Iran, and for this matter, to other radical Shiite countries and movements. It is in their believes that the 13th prophet will return and he will come when the country is annihilated. It is like a suicide terrorist’s believing that death will bring him/her to the paradise with a certain number of virgins to please. Here I am touching upon a sharp distinction between the Western Civilization and Radical Islamic World. Pro-life vs. pro-death.

Ganging up against Iran has its roots. It has a long history of gradual international isolation and condemnation of this country by the most of the world, - for committing and supporting terrorism, numerous human rights violations, open call for destruction of another member of the UN, building an A-bomb.

You asked about our feelings if the US faces embargo. Well, remember history? We have already experienced it in 70-ies, when the Arab countries and OPEC imposed oil embargo on the US… Did we declared war or attack them? Nope… American response was … economy cars with lower gas consumption!

We stuck with Iran. Ron Paul’s position is much wider. He is against the US role in the world as a “policeman”, with a bad connotation attached to this world, like a bully.
I support the idea of United States being an only force defending the West interests around the world. Who else? Europe is not capable of it. You call this “a policeman or a bully” , I called it “a defender of the West”.
And this is the root cause of our disagreement, - how we envision the role of this country. My position that America, - although making some mistakes and sometimes preferring national interests at the expense of supporting democracy, - does most good to the world.

I wrote that Ron Paul wouldn’t send GIs to Europe during WWII. Let me expand it. He even wouldn’t sent troops to fight the Japanese! I see clearly his logic, “Pearl Harbor was just a response to the trade war between the US and Japan. The attack was a legitimate action against American bullying”.
How do you like it? J

Several words about Ron Paul attractiveness, especially for young people. I think it is because he is a radical in some sense. He wants drastic measures, radical changes. And because young people are typically rebels and radicals, it rings a bell for them.
I liked, and still like, his ideas about the Constitution, limited government, liberties. I think a good infusion of these ideas into somebody would make a very good Republican candidate against Obama. But I do not like his foreign policy ideas and how he sees the US in world.
Email #7
Nick
Doing a Google search for ‘"13th prophet" Ahmadinejad’ only gave me 14 links (only 2 pages of links). Of those, none were articles or primary sources supporting this claim; only people claiming that he said that. If you can provide me with primary sources explaining Iran’s interest in bringing back the 13th prophet, something I couldn’t find on google with a vague search that normally turns up millions of hits for almost any subject, id certainly read it.

Regarding WWII, Paul said in this interview (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2k0u_v9T0F8) that US involvement in WWII was unavoidable, but that WWII was caused by WWI, because the provisions in the Treaty of Versailles caused Germany to be in an economic catastrophe, which was worsened by the Great Depression, thus allowing Hitler to ascend to power. This is a fact supported historically.

I did some research on the quote that Ahmadinejad supposedly wanted to “wipe Israel off the face of the Earth”. This actually IS a mistranslation, and I can verify this in several ways.

1.) http://antiwar.com/orig/norouzi.php?articleid=11025 Read this article explaining the mistranslation

2.) I have an Iranian friend in school whose older brother got into Princeton University at the age of 17 because he solved a math theorem that eluded the smartest mathematicians on the planet; this is just to put the reputation of this family into context. He (my Iranian friend) is very well educated and enjoys listening to classical music; in fact, it’s essentially all he listens to. His family is Baha’i. He HATES Ahmadinejad. Absolutely detests him. However, I asked him to take a look at the 2005 quote that this statement allegedly came from. I asked him because he is fluent in Farsi, and because he hates Ahmadinejad, I expected him to confirm what the media always claims to be the true interpretation of the quote.

It turns out that that was not the case. According to him, Ahmadinejad was calling for regime change in Israel. He was NOT calling for annihilation of any kind, or attacks of any kind. He was calling for regime change just like the US called for regime change in Iraq and Iran. Although he admits that Ahmadinejad often says very stupid things, he never threatened to attack anyone.

I would be very wary of what the media claims to be true. There have been many lies and disinformation spread by the media, which is a major reason why I rarely watch news on the TV. I used to watch Fox, but then I discovered all the lies that they say and as a result turned away from them and all other mainstream media outlets. Instead, I get my news online where I can easily fact check any possible inconsistencies.

“Make the lie big, make it simple, keep saying it, and eventually they will believe it” - Hitler

I also found out something interesting. It turns out that there is tension between Ahmadinejad and the Supreme Cleric. They are at sharp disagreements because supposedly Ahmadinejad is not doing a good job at representing Iran. Ali Khamenei, the current cleric, will soon be dead as he has health problems, and Ahmadinejad’s term will expire in 2013. There was a recent revolution in 2009 that was nearly successful. If you watched the documentary on Iran that I sent you in my previous video, you would see that most Iranians, particularly the young, which make up more than a third of the population, dislike the Islamic law and would also like regime change. In my opinion, US intervention would jeopardize a natural Iranian revolution that is bound to happen soon anyway. If the US intervenes, then the Iranian regime will retain its power for many more decades to come, as the reason it was put there in the first place was to deter US involvement. However, since that regime is already unpopular in its own country, a revolution will soon come and, very likely, a new democratic regime will replace it. I personally don’t want to go to war against Iran based on a mistranslation. It would be like Vietnam all over again, but even worse.

Also, to clarify Ron Paul’s position, as he can sometimes be in inarticulate messenger, he does NOT want Iran to get a nuclear weapon. If he had his way, nukes would be banned worldwide forever. He just doesn’t want to jump the gun and attack Iran pre-emptively based on a SUSPISION that they MIGHT be developing their FIRST nuke (Israel has at least 100). However, he is trying to understand why Iran would want a nuke. Obviously they’re not going to use it according to the info above. What are some reasons why countries get nuclear weapons? Nuclear weapons give a country respect and protect it from enemies. Currently, Iran is surrounded by US military bases, and we have at least 10,000 nukes. The US intervened in 1953 by removing the democracy, and attempted to do it again in 1979 as well but failed. Now it is calling for a regime change, is placing sanctions on Iran even thought it hasn’t actually done anything, and threatening to attack it. Of course they would feel threatened! US track record has shown intervention in this country, and nations with nuclear arms are respected (look at Pakistan and India). Just because a country desires a nuke doesn’t mean its going to use it. In fact, the only country to have ever used nukes is the US! And that was, and still is, a very controversial action.




Email #8
Nick

If the US is so staunchly against regimes that violate human rights, why does it support China and Saudi Arabia?

And why did it pass the NDAA declaring the US a warzone and allowing for indefinite detention of American citizens without charges or a trial? (guilty before proven innocent). This was supported by Obama and McCain.

OPEC was formed because the West was getting Middle Eastern oil far below what it was actually worth (this is called a scam, or ripping someone off). When Iran, under Mozadegh, tried to negotiate with Britain to split the profits 50/50 (an attempt at a fair deal), Britain refused. If oil was bought for a fair and reasonable price, OPEC would never have existed, just as if factory bosses in the 1800’s paid their workers fairly, labor unions would never exist.

If the US supports Democracy around the world, why did it overthrow many Democratically elected leaders?

US intervention in various countries has caused many civilian casualties. Here’s a list of a few.

1954 – US overthrows Democratically elected President Arbenz of Guatemala

Cost: 200,000 civilians killed

Vietnam War – 1 - 2.5 MILLION civilians killed

1973 – US stages coup in Chile. Democratically elected President Salvador Allende is assassinated. Dictator Augusto Pinochet comes to power

Cost: 5,000 civilians killed

1977 – US supports military rulers in El Salvador

Cost: 70,000 civilians killed

1981 – US supports Contras in Nicaragua

Cost: 30,000 civillians killed

1989 – US overthrows ex CIA agent and President of Panama Manuel Noriega

Cost: 3,000 civilians killed

1991 – 2000 – US bombs Iraq on a weekly basis, knocking out electricity, water filtration plants, infrastructure, etc.

Cost: over 1 MILLION die of bombing, starvation, and disease

I don’t see this as justifiable in any way, shape, or form. These acts cannot be defended, and these are NOT simple mistakes. A mistake would be ONE missed target. This is flawed POLICY, not a mistake. And if it was a mistake, they would have corrected their actions after the first time after seeing how much of a toll intervention is on civilians in the region in which they intervene.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TL7IkOp1N5Y Abuse of Patriot Act

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Northwoods Operation Northwoods, the most disturbing document I have ever laid eyes on

Interesting Analysis of the causes of suicide Terrorism


Email #9
Victor
I finally found some time to answer your question. You are still using Iran as an best example of “wrong” American foreign policy to support Ron Paul’s position of American withdrawal based on wrongdoing (I would understand it if he suggested it based on reduction of the government and therefore withdrawal from active foreign policies and “interference”.)

Best reference on Iran history and relationship between Islam and the West could be found in the book by an American scholar Bernard Lewis,
Bernard Lewis, "Islam and the West", Oxford University Press, New York, 1993.

You can read a short essay on Iranian Islamic fundamentalism in Wikipedia (red highlighting by me),

In June 2007, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was criticized by some Iranian parliament members over his remark about Christianity and Judaism. According to Arab News Agency, President Ahmadinejad stated: "In the world, there are deviations from the right path: Christianity and Judaism. Dollars have been devoted to the propagation of these deviations. There are also false claims that these [religions] will save mankind. But Islam is the only religion that will save mankind." Some members of the Iranian parliament criticized these remarks as being fuels to religious war. However Musa Ghorbani, a chairman of the parliament, strongly supported the president's remark, calling it "in accordance with the constitution".[158][159] Also Hossein Noori Hamedani advocates fighting the Jews in order to prepare the ground and to hasten the advent of the Hidden Imam, the Messiah according to Shiite belief.[160]

The Iranian Revolution (also known as the Islamic Revolution,[28][29][30][31][32][33] Persian: انقلاب اسلامی, Enghelābe Eslāmi) was the revolution that transformed Iran from a monarchy under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to an Islamic republic under Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the revolution and founder of the Islamic Republic.[34] It has been called "the third great revolution in history", following the French and Bolshevik revolutions,[35] and an event that "made Islamic fundamentalism a political force ... from Morocco to Malaysia."[36]

References on 12 prophets (imams) and on a so-called hidden imam are here,


The role of Imam al-MahdiMain article: Muhammad al-Mahdi
See also: Mahdi
In Twelver eschatology, Muhammad ibn Hasan ibn ʻAlī, or al-Mahdi (مهدي transliteration: Mahdī, also Mehdi, "Guided One"), is the twelfth Imam and the Mahdi, the ultimate savior of mankind and prophesied redeemer of Islam. Twelvers believe that the Mahdi has been hidden by God (referred to as The Occultation) and will later emerge to change the world into a perfect and just Islamic society alongside Jesus (Isa) before the Yaum al-Qiyamah (literally "Day of the Resurrection" or "Day of the Standing").

In short, Iran officially promotes Islamic fundamentalism which has apocalyptic vision of “return of the hidden Imam” and destruction.
As you read above, Iranians need to prepare the land to his coming by purging it from Jews. That’s why president and other authorities in Iran OPENLY declare that Israel should be wiped out of the map… Well, they are not friendly towards the West too as you know.

If you are still insist that the US policies made Iran fundamental, think about how and why Iranian revolution happened. It was anti-Shah, anti-despotism movement. Clerics took control of the revolution later on, hijacking the popular movement.
As for American involvement, it was strong when a Shah’s premier minister, being pro-communist, started reforms and nationalization. Strong communist party was a threat to the state at the time. CIA help to overthrow premier-minister, and was done easily because Iranian communists betrayed him…

Email #10
Victor
I have read this long list, a mix of American interventions and number of victims, not necessary of American actions.
After this lamenting, could you please formulate, based on this selected and incomplete(*) list of US actions, what was and is American foreign policy? How would you formulate its goal? In short, why America is so evil?
Any idea?
Looking forward for your explanation. Remember, the favorite explanation of the Left is “It was in interests of American monopolies”.
You can do better than that; I expect facts from you.

Victor
(*) By “incomplete” I mean you did not bother with listing any pro-democracy actions, e.g. as support Eastern Europeans and Baltic Republics in their struggle against communism, help to fight SU in Afghanistan, Balkan War, Korean War, Marshal Plan, MacArthur Plan for Japan, recent events in Libya, etc. Or maybe you consider these actions not good too?
Email #11
Nick
If there’s anything that you absolutely have to watch, it’s this documentary on the relationship between US and war. As a favor to me, please watch the whole thing.

“Why We Fight”

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q_szqNFzKrE part 5 * Corporations have nothing to do with the military and war? John McCain thinks otherwise. But that can’t be because it’s a “leftist” position, right?
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SOwrlISqdok part 6 Dick Cheney made 60-70 million dollars from Halliburton
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NoOuAt891as Part 8 ******most important
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-QHqB3UtSGA Part 9 * government lies, news manipulation
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AFCivIxiTuE Part 11***** the cost of war on the Iraqi people, more lies from the government

The fact that the government repeatedly lies to us and keeps things secret from us is enough of a reason to suspect that, usually when it goes to war, it is not for the best interest of the American people nor for the people in that region. There may be a few exceptions, but in general, this is sadly the case. Of the interventions you showed me in the last email, only the Korean and Balkan interventions seemed to have either neutral or positive outcomes. Libya is now ruled by Al-Qeida, a group which is not a good alternative to Quadaffi. Military intervention has caused more problems than it has fixed. If the government truly went to war with the interests of the American people in mind, it would have followed the constitution and it wouldn’t have been so secretive. The fact that it has ignored that founding document constantly over the last 50 years proves to me that there is some other interest in mind. I’d like to believe that the US government has never done anything wrong and that it always supported freedom for others and always supported democracies, but the fact is that those were just words, and the actions, for the most part, are contradictory.

I simply don’t understand how the US can send food, money and aid to some people while at the same time bombing others who, for the most part, are innocent (obviously that’s not the goal, but innocent people make up 95% of the casualties, and you’d think they would have changed strategies by now). An Iraqi who lived through the 90’s, a period of perpetual US bombing and sanctions that killed a million people, will not remember the US as a force for good. He will not remember how the US affected Europe through the Marshall Plan or how it saved people in the Balkans. He will remember how a US drone killed his family and how the US government prevented medicine that could have cured his children’s ailments from entering the country; how US policy directly affected him. This is where the anti-American sentiment comes from, and we need to understand that if we have any hope of changing things.

This is the precise reason I bring up US actions that have a negative effect on the world. It upsets me how US policy is such a double standard. It upsets me that our image is tarnished through terrible actions like this. I don’t want the US to be portrayed as the bully. I don’t want the US to be hated. I don’t want the US to be attacked. But the only way to change that is to address its flawed policy. Otherwise we will remain in this perpetual state of warfare and totally ignorant of the true causes and the effects that it has on people in the affected countries. This is not a leftist position, this is the constitutional position. If the constitution is to the left of the current Republicans, then that should tell you something about the Republican party. I don’t pick sides when it comes to political parties, so don’t think that I’m a leftist or a rightist, or a centrist. I’m a realist.

On a side note, the US government classified 16 million documents Top Secret in 2011. Does that mean that 16 million documents can compromise American security, so they have to be hidden?